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Chapter 11
The Purveyors of Faith


WHEN the war in Europe was going against the Allies and Hitler’s forces seemed to be advancing on all sides, Britain got worried that Russia might take advantage of the situation to make gains in Asia. To safeguard against that, of all organisations, Jamiat-ul-Ulema passed a resolution in its annual conference declaring that if Russia invaded Afghanistan it would become incumbent on all Muslims to join in a jihad against it.

Later, when the British realised that there was no such danger, the next fatwa came from the governor, Cunningham. He records: “I advised Kuli Khan to moderate his anti-Bolshevik propaganda and to concentrate more on propaganda against Germany and Italy.”

On the other side, as relations between the British and the Congress deteriorated the former started using the mullahs against the Congress.

But before we go any further the question is how could an Islamic scholar could or a true Muslim could be inspired with religious fervour in support of the British? The Englishman had been the historical enemy of the Muslims. From the times of Salahuddin Ayyubi right up to the sacking of the Ottoman Empire, the English had been chiefly responsible for the Muslim world’s woes. Leave alone the rest of the Arabian Peninsula, even the holy Ka’aba came under gunfire from the Indian soldiers in the employ of these very British. And they were responsible for wresting the rule over India from the hands of the Muslim Mughals. The treatment they meted out to the last of the Delhi emperors, Bahadur Shah Zaffar, and his children is known to the whole world. Then look the way they dealt with the Pushtoon Muslim of Afghanistan before the eyes of the Pushtoons themselves. From Amir Dost Mohammad Khan and Amir Sheer Ali Khan down to Amir Amanullah Khan – all these Muslims were destroyed not at the hands of Russia or Germany or Italy but by the British themselves.

Leave that apart: what cruelty and torture did the British spare against the Khudai Khidmatgar from 1930 on? Where the mullahs unaware of that too? The bombing and killing they perpetrated in tribal areas – were those unknown too? Wazir, Mashud, Afridi, Mahmand and other Muslims were subjected to conscription not by the Russians or Germans or Italians. The same British carried on war against such true mujahids and followers of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) as Haji Sahib Tarangzai and the Faqir of Ipi.

The fact is these mullahs were not really concerned with Islam or Quran, or the inheritors of the pious traditions. They had sold themselves to the British for ten or fifteen rupees a month. Their fatwa’s were handed down by the British and the British were both their muftis and qazis. Their hands held the sword of Islam, but their eyes were fixed on the Englishman’s nod. If the Englishman said Russia was kafir the mullah said so it was. If he said, no Russia wan'’ so bad, it was the Germans that were the heretics, the mullah dutifully echoed the judgement, even though the German believed in the same Gospel as the English and was as much the ‘People of the Book’ as the other. As for Italy, that was in fact the centre of Christianity. The Vatican occupied the same position for Catholics as Ka’aba did for the Muslims. The Pope, the Catholics’ highest religious authority, himself lived there. But all that did not concern our mullah. His concern was the pleasure of the British.

When the British needed Islam for their internal purposes the mullahs were ready for that too-and at the same price!

However, here in the Frontier, the problem was that the opposers of the British were the Khudai Khidmatgars who were almost all Muslims and their leader was Bacha Khan, who was a Haji, who punctually offered all his prayers, who had set up Islami madrassahs, and who was devoted to the service of Muslims. But the Khudai Khidmatgars’ crime was they wanted to free their land from the British stranglehold, and so these mercenary mullahs leapt into the arena against them.

There is nothing wrong with a religious leader adopting a political stance. That is everybody’s basic right. But here these mullahs were springing to the support of the kafir British against the freedom fighters in the sacred name of Islam.

Cunningham records their doings in detail. For instance:
Jamiat-ul-Ulema toured in Kohat district in Jun’42 and in Peshawar and Mardan in July doing intensive propaganda-
a. Anti-Axis, on the Islamic theme generally, and
b. Anti-Congress, particularly on the Pakistan theme.
Mullah in Peshawar and Mardan intensified the anti-Congress propagand during July – August’42.

In other words the British had stimulated these mullahs in support of political work on behalf of the Muslim League. They were thus using this religious band exactly in accordance with the changing needs in the ebbs and tides of the War. They had so yoked the mullah to their subservience that whatever their requirement, the mullah was ready to deliver promptly finding a justification for it in Islam.

Thus when Britain felt reassured about the Russians, it diverted the mullahs to taking on the Khudai Khidmatgars. By August 1942 in Mardan alone the Swat Prime Minister had, according to Cunningham, employed 18 mullahs. Two were in the attendance of Pir Baba and were paid a monthly allowance of Rs. 30.

Cunningham also recalls:
Maulana Mohammad Shuaib and Maulana Madarullah came to see me at Nathigali on 26th August and produced a long draft in Urdu of their pamphlet which they propose to issue both in the district and in T.T. (Tribal territory) – all good anti-Congress, anti-Japanese and anti-Axis stuff. They are extremely friendly.

The English were careful about their own service to Islam by recording the names, addresses etc., of all these mullahs: 24 mullahs were from Peshawar tehsil, six of them from Peshawar city; 13 from Charsadda tehsil; three from Nowshera; 18 from Mardan and Swabi.

This process continued. Right until 1946, the names of every one of the mullahs that Cunningham hired is duly recorded in his diaries.

It causes deep shame and embarrassment reading this list and seeing how our mullahs and Khawanin sold their faith and honour and self-respect for a few pieces of silver and copper in order to fulfil the heretical purposes of the English overlords. And how, to that end, they denounced the mujahideen, ghazis and the fighters for national freedom with fatwa’s of Kufr. The British cunning too has to be given high marks for discovering such people among Muslims and organising them so that they not only did not ask for any releases from their colonial and imperialist yoke, but in fact defiantly came out in full battle array against those who did.

One British tactic was to create support for themselves within the families that were fighting against them. Among the freedom fighters, Faqir of Ipi was backed by Dost Namwar, a Mashud mullah Powinda. Another was Mamandos Haji Sahib Taurangzai. The British were keen to undermine their resistance, and perhaps had their most crucial success in winning over the sons of these two great mujahideen – Falza Din, the son of Mullah Powinda and Bacha Gul, the son of Haji Saheb Taurangzai.

Besides them, there was hardly anyone in the district or tribal elite of that time, hardly a mullah, pir, faqir akhunzada, and the chief of an educational institution, of any influence at all whom the colonial rulers had not in one way or another enticed to their side. After the demise of Haji Saheb Taurangzai and Mullah Powinds, the lone un-purchaseable mujahid left in the field was Faqir Ipi.

There is an interesting story of earlier days. At the start of German trouble – making in Europe, the British pressed the Afghan government to expel all Germans from their territory. To add to the pressure they let loose a Shami Pir in the tribal areas. His brief was to spread disaffection against the Afghan ruling family. After achieving their objective in Afghanistan the Shami Pir was brought over to Wana cantonment in Waziristan and paid a fee of £25,000. In England the Secretary of State for India liked the stratagem immensely, and wrote to the viceroy to try for a similar arrangement with Faqir Ipi. The viceroy wrote back to him on July 14, 1938 thus:

There is, I fear, no possible of dealing with him (Faqir Ipi) on the same lines as the Shami Pir. He is not only implacable but also completely incorruptible …. Who would ride me of this turbulent priest!


Facts Are Sacred
Khan Abdul Wali Khan

Contents of Book:
Preface

Chapter 1
Communal Politics & the British; The tilt towards Muslim League


Chapter 2
Divide and Rule


Chapter 3
Quest for a Loyal Ally


Chapter 4
Muslim League
Plays into British Hands


Chapter 5
The Proposals for Pakistan


Chapter 6
Using the League to Beat the Congress


Chapter 7
British Clampdown on Congress


Chapter 8
Confusion over Pakistan


Chapter 9
NWFP & the ‘Military Crescent’


Chapter 10
The Price of the Mullah


Chapter 11
The Purveyors of Faith


Chapter 12
Lending League a Hand


Chapter 13
Search for a Solution


Chapter 14
Federation Defeated


Chapter 15
Direct Action and After


Chapter 16
Wavell’s Bid for ‘A Bit of India’


Chapter 17
Subduing Punjab and NWFP


Chapter 18
Mountbatten Gets to Work


Chapter 19
Groundwork for Pakistan


Chapter 20
The Referendum


Chapter 21
The Choice of Governors General


Chapter 22
Road to Pakistan


Chapter 23
The Loss of Kashmir


Chapter 24
The Disinherited Ones


Chapter 25
Muslim League’s Contradiction


Chapter 26
Famous First Words


Chapter 27
Legacy of Colonial Interests


Chapter 28
Inheriting the British Mantle