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Chapter 1
Communal politics And the British The tilt towards Muslim League


ALTHOUGH they long consider themselves as of the ruling stock, the Muslims of India had lost effective power to the British. They were crushed following the 1857 national bid to put the aliens in their place. And neighbouring Afghanistan was brought under the heel through Amir Abdul Rehman. Thus, if externally the path of Russia's possible thrust had been blocked, internally no force had remained that could challenge the British. Some six hundred princely states had also through their rulers become subservient to them. Thus by the beginning the 20th century London's grip over India had become unshakable.

The British colonist was however an extremely canny, weather beaten, modern-day pirate. It was not enough merely to establish the grip; it was also necessary to maintain their firm holds. He was faced with a country the size of a sub-continent and a population that was numberless. He thought hard how he could keep these under his thumb. He had fought Nemours battles, and even, by fair means and foul, conquered countries. But he could not set a soldier on every Indian. He had therefore to find a way that the Indians remained divided amongst themselves. For if they joined hands the situation could become, like the one caricatured by a Hindu humourist who said that if all the Indians even pee' together these handful of British- hers would all be flooded away.

The Englishman had seized power from the Muslim. He had driven out the latter's delusion about his birth-right to rule. He also realised that although Muslims had ruling India for centuries, they were a minority of the population. So while earlier he was helping the non-Muslims and making them fight the Muslims on his behalf and himself benefiting from this mutual hostility, he decided that it might not be sound strategy to keep lending strength to the Hindus who were the country's preponderant majority. There was also another consideration. There were no Hindus in other countries around India whereas Muslims were spread in the four corners of the world from North Africa the Balkans, and from Turkey to Afghanistan, the whole hemisphere virtually belonged to them. Above everything else, the Ottoman Empire constituted the Muslim caliphate. Thus the Muslims were a strong and organised world force.

Against that here in south Asia the situation was as follows:-

- When the British won the Battle of Plassey in 1757 they took Bengal, or eastern India, out of the Muslim hands.

- When they overran south in 1799 they routed Tipu sultan, the head of a highly regarded Muslim dynasty.

- Central India they devoured in 1857, after an Indian bid for independence in which Muslims played a prominent part.

- Northern India had shown some resistance, but that too was quelled after the Balakot martyrs fell in 1831.

Nearby Afghanistan was another citadel of Muslim power. But it too was eventually tamed following a treaty in 1893.

As a result of these triumphs, the Englishman became the undisputed master of India. All kinds of internal and external dangers were ended. So much so that he went and signed a pact even with Russia in 1907, making it pledge not to interfere this side of the borders, inside Afghanistan. All doors thus secured, our English man settled down to consolidating his position in India.

After divesting the Muslims of their passion about ruling and putting them to one side, he started giving all his attention to the Hindus. The latte began to be favoured with white collar jobs, trading contracts and numerous other gestures of official support. The educated Hindu section was endowed with influence and respectability. However, when Hindus gradually began to draw together the Englishman got worried. He weighted the possibility of their uniting together and presenting a challenge to him. They were after all a big majority in the country.

As for the Muslims, he had already broken their spine. There was no one left among them, especially after their failure of 1857, who could ever pose a threat to him. The prominent Muslims that there were, only vied with one another to demonstrate their loyalty to the British.

Reflecting on the Hindu numbers, however the British again turned to the Muslims. The beginning was made from Bengal. The province was spilt into two in 1905, so as to separate the Muslim majority eastern half and give the Muslims a sense of self importance. That was how the start was made to please the Muslims and try and win them over.

As time passed the game of playing on alternative side of the communal street began to look more and more interesting to the foreign ruler. On the occasion of official functions and in the show of official favours a tilt now infavour of the Muslims now of Hindus seemed to offer good rewards.

Meanwhile, the British also began laying stress on the natives acquiring education. Without that the routine official chores in the vast country of their tutelage would not get done. But education also started opening up the minds of the educated. As young people began going abroad for higher education they noticed how the governments there also involved the people in formulating policies and running the country. Why shouldn't the Indians too share power with the rulers, they began to wonder. Since the Hindus were in greater number and they had a larger section of big merchants, lawyers and other affluent people among them who could afford the best education for their children with in the country and abroad, the stir of the educated first occurred in their folds.

The Muslim leaders too had learnt a lesson from the 1857 debacle and their effort was that all sections of the population should join together to rescue the country from British imperialism. They laid such stress on Hindu - Muslim unity that reading of it comes as a surprise even today. I will give just one example, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (regarded by some of our political theorists as the father of the two nation concept) spoke as follows in an address in Gurdaspur on January 27, 1884.

We (that is, Hindus and Muslims) should try to become one heart and soul and act in unison. In old historical books and traditions you must have read and heard - and we see it even now - that all the people inhabiting a country are designated as one nation. The different tribes of Afghanistan are together termed a nation. The miscellaneous hordes people Iran are distinguished by the term Persian: though they abound in variety of though and religion, they are still known as members of a nation …… Remember that the words "Hindu" and "Mohammadan" are only means of religious distinction, otherwise all persons whether Hindu or Mohammadan, or even the Christians who reside in this country, all in this particular respect belong to one and the same nation. (Syed Hassan Mehmood - A nation is born, page 339).

In the same year, speaking to the India Association in Lahore, Sir Syed repeated the theme:

In the word 'Nation' I include both Hindu and Mohammadan because that is the only meaning I can attach to it.
Also

"These are the different grounds on which I call both these races which inhabit India by one word, i.e. 'Hindu' - meaning to say that they are the inhabitants of Hindustan".

Thus Sir Syed's argument is whoever is a citizen of India, regardless of his faith, should be called a Hindu.

The point is, because the British were at the time favouring the Hindus, granting them concessions and opportunities of social and economics advancement, and enabling them to progress in education, and the Muslim were being discriminated against, the latter saw salvation only in Hindu - Muslim co operation. That was only how they could rid themselves of the aliens.

The Englishman also knew this. He could see that if Hindus and Muslims did join against him it would be impossible to face them. That is why when he first set about introducing reforms and wished to give powers to the Hindus in the local bodies and municipal committees, he adopted the system of separate electorates. The first installment of reforms, called Morely - Minto papers, came in 1909 and provided that Muslims will only vote for Muslims and Hindus for Hindus. Thus was laid the foundation stone of religious belief being made a factor of democratic institutions. That was the Englishman's first blow against the concept that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan wished to spread throughout the country. The seeds of dual nationhood were soon to begin to contend with the belief in one nation. Hindus and Muslims were as it were put on notice that if they wished to get into representative bodies they had to set up separate parties on the basis of their religion. That would make sure that the spirit of a united nation would not take root.

The Englishman was very happy with the kind of game he was playing and used it with variations to suit the need of the occasion. Thus in 1912 he went back on the divisions of Bengal and once again united the two parts of the province. Earlier he head thought it wise to please the Muslim since they were spread all over the world and were, especially with a movement like pan - Islamism in the air, a political force to be reckoned with. The Hindus on the other hand although a big majority in India, were only confined to their country. Later, however, with the start of World War I and Britain arraigned against the Ottoman Empire, the bridge head of Muslims, it could not befriend the Muslims of India.

About that time another installment of reforms named after Montagu - Chelmsford was brought in. Separate electorate remained a feature of this one also.

When at the outbreak of the Ware the British attacked the Turks, the Muslims in India were electrified and they began an open opposition. However the British got worried only when Gandhiji and the Congress joined with Maulana Mohammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali in support of the Khilafat movement.

The Englishman saw that the two - nation game, the game of divide - and - rule might soon be up.

The Khilafat committee presented the Muslims with a four - point action plan, asking them (1) to renounce all official awards and titles, (2) to resign from government employment, (3) to resign from the police and the armed forces, and (4) to refuse to pay taxes.

The British got worried about points 2 and 3. These were going to hurt them and also bring a bad name to them. So they set about undermining the national movement by giving it a sinister communal angle. Their henchmen spread the word that the action plan was in fact a Hindu conspiracy against the Muslims. Its purpose was that the latter by defying the British and resigning their means of livelihood should be utterly destroyed.

The obvious British game was to break the Hindu - Muslim unity created by the Khilafat movement. Since Khilafat was purely a Muslim concern, if a bipartisan movement on its behalf is torpedoed by the Muslims themselves the Hindus would be bound to feel deeply embittered and disgusted.

So it happened that the first salvo at the Khilafat movement was fired by the Nizam of Hyderabad. On May 22, 1930 he issued a decree saying that since the movement was against the interest of the Muslims he was putting a ban on it.

During that period Gandhiji and the Ali brother had together visited the Aligarh Muslim University. The British wished to dispel the impact of that also. They set about making that institution an instrument not just protective of Muslims but also one hostile to the Hindus.

Similarly a member of the Viceroy's executive council, Sir Mohammad Shafi, submitted a memo on Nov 2, 1921 which made two proposals. First that, to undermine the unity of the developing movement in India, it was important to separate the Muslims from it, and that could happen only if the British signed an accord with the Turks. Secondly, an association should be organised called 'Anglo-Mohammadan Union in the interest of the British Empire'.

Such thinking and activities occupied the British and their Muslim loyalists over the next months, and on Sep 21, 1922 the Viceroy, Lord Reading, wrote as follows to the Secretary of State for India.

"I have sent you a telegram which will show you how near we have been to a complete break between Muslims and Hindus. I have been giving the greatest attention to this possibility, and I have the greatest assistance from Shafi in my council, who is a highly respected Mohammadan."


Facts Are Sacred
Khan Abdul Wali Khan

Contents of Book:
Preface

Chapter 1
Communal Politics & the British; The tilt towards Muslim League


Chapter 2
Divide and Rule


Chapter 3
Quest for a Loyal Ally


Chapter 4
Muslim League
Plays into British Hands


Chapter 5
The Proposals for Pakistan


Chapter 6
Using the League to Beat the Congress


Chapter 7
British Clampdown on Congress


Chapter 8
Confusion over Pakistan


Chapter 9
NWFP & the ‘Military Crescent’


Chapter 10
The Price of the Mullah


Chapter 11
The Purveyors of Faith


Chapter 12
Lending League a Hand


Chapter 13
Search for a Solution


Chapter 14
Federation Defeated


Chapter 15
Direct Action and After


Chapter 16
Wavell’s Bid for ‘A Bit of India’


Chapter 17
Subduing Punjab and NWFP


Chapter 18
Mountbatten Gets to Work


Chapter 19
Groundwork for Pakistan


Chapter 20
The Referendum


Chapter 21
The Choice of Governors General


Chapter 22
Road to Pakistan


Chapter 23
The Loss of Kashmir


Chapter 24
The Disinherited Ones


Chapter 25
Muslim League’s Contradiction


Chapter 26
Famous First Words


Chapter 27
Legacy of Colonial Interests


Chapter 28
Inheriting the British Mantle